Recent reporting by Handelsblatt in March indicated that Germany’s governing coalition considered raising the headline value-added taxA tax is a mandatory payment or charge collected by local, state, and national governments from individuals or businesses to cover the costs of general government services, goods, and activities. (VAT) rate from 19 to 21 percent to finance labor tax cuts. At the same time, proposals included narrowing the VAT base by either shifting the reduced VAT rate—the preferential rate applied to selected goods and services—from 7 to 4 percent or applying a zero rate to food. Finance Minister Lars Klingbeil has since distanced himself from the proposals.
Shifting the tax burden from labor to consumption can improve incentives to work and expand the labor supply. Depending on the policy specifics, it could also reduce net-of-tax pension spending, partially offsetting the distributive effects of recent policy changes and reducing strain on public finances without any explicit cuts to benefits.
However, combining a higher VAT rate with base-narrowing measures would likely eliminate any additional revenue. As a result, the reform would fail to create additional fiscal space for labor tax cuts.
Shifting the Tax Burden from Labor to Consumption Strengthens Work Incentives
Germany applies a standard VAT rate of 19 percent and a reduced rate of 7 percent. This puts its standard rate slightly below all its neighboring countries, except for Luxembourg (16 percent) and Switzerland (8.1 percent).
In contrast, Germany levies the second-highest tax burden on labor in Europe on a single earner at the average wage—46.6 percent of labor costs, surpassed only by Belgium.
VAT remains Germany’s third-largest source of tax revenue, generating roughly €300 billion in 2024, or 18.2 percent of total tax revenue. Only social contributions (39.1 percent) and personal income taxes (26.5 percent) contribute more.
Shifting the tax burden from labor to consumption generally strengthens the return to work and can expand labor supply. While consumption taxes also reduce how much workers can buy with an additional euro of their labor income, they do less harm to work incentives at equivalent revenue because consumption taxes are borne more broadly across the population, including by retirees and others outside of the labor force.
Existing Mechanisms Mitigate Distributional Effects for Lower Incomes
Germany’s tax and transfer system already includes automatic adjustment mechanisms that mitigate the impact of higher consumption taxes on low-income households. The tax-free personal allowance and key social benefits for low-income households are indexed to inflationInflation is when the general price of goods and services increases across the economy, reducing the purchasing power of a currency and the value of certain assets. The same paycheck covers less goods, services, and bills. It is sometimes referred to as a “hidden tax,” as it leaves taxpayers less well-off due to higher costs and “bracket creep,” while increasing the government’s spendin over a stylized basket of consumption items, ensuring that minimum living standards are preserved when prices rise. This implies that part of the additional revenues from VAT reform will go directly to compensating the lowest-income households, making further redistributive efforts largely redundant.
Pension benefits, in contrast, are generally indexed to average gross wages rather than prices and therefore do not automatically adjust for inflation. However, some ways of cutting labor taxes could still confer indirect benefits to pensioners through other channels: raising the tax-free allowance or reducing income tax rates at the lower end of the distribution would disproportionately leave pension income untaxed, while reducing employer-side social contributions would raise gross wages and therefore pension benefits indexed to them.
Gross pension incomes in Germany accounted for around 11 percent of GDP in 2025, including federal pension subsidies of roughly 3 percent of GDP. The coalition’s 2025 pension package, which raised statutory pension benefits, put further strain on public finances.
Shifting Germany’s tax mix towards consumption taxation could therefore mark a departure from the coalition’s previous stance on pension policy and high tolerance for future fiscal burdens, while leaving the spending possibilities of the lowest-income households largely unaffected due to inflation indexingInflation indexing refers to automatic cost-of-living adjustments built into tax provisions to keep pace with inflation. Absent these adjustments, income taxes are subject to “bracket creep” and stealth increases on taxpayers, while excise taxes are vulnerable to erosion as taxes expressed in nominal dollars, rather than rates, slowly lose value. of benefits.
Base Erosion Measures Would Offset Revenue Gains
Instead of relying on existing compensation mechanisms, policymakers considered two options for reducing the VAT rate on specific goods and services: either lowering the 7 percent reduced rate further to 4 percent, or introducing a zero rate on food items.
However, microsimulation estimates using EUROMOD suggest that the base erosion measures would substantially reduce the revenue gains from a higher VAT rate or even lead to net revenue losses, leaving no additional room for intended labor tax cuts.
Raising the VAT rate from 19 to 21 percent would generate approximately €14.5 billion in government revenue annually. Lowering the reduced rate from 7 to 4 percent would cut this gain by more than half, leaving roughly €3 billion. Introducing a zero rate on food would offset the entire additional revenue. All estimates take into account the recent application of the reduced rate to restaurants and catering services from 2026.
In contrast, further broadening the VAT base by limiting the reduced rate and exemptions could provide a more promising way to shift the tax burden from labor to consumption than lifting the rate. EUROMOD microsimulations under identical assumptions show that policymakers could generate €40 billion of extra VAT revenue annually for labor tax cuts by raising the reduced rate to 19 percent, not counting the recent VAT reduction for restaurants and catering services. The European Commission even quantifies Germany’s actionable VAT policy gap as €72 billion per year as of 2024, suggesting a much higher revenue potential, albeit without moderating behavioral assumptions.
Shifting the Tax Burden from Labor to Consumption Requires a Broader Base
Shifting Germany’s tax mix away from labor to consumption remains a sound policy route to strengthen the country’s labor supply. It would share the tax burden among a larger number of taxpayers and help relieve pressure on public finances in the face of an aging population.
However, further eroding the VAT base with preferential rates for selected goods and services would counteract this goal by depleting the extra revenue for labor tax cuts while providing less-targeted relief for low-income households.
Instead of raising the VAT rate while eroding the base, broadening the VAT base would be a more promising way to fund labor tax cuts.
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