Forget business as usual. The 25th SCO Heads of State Council Summit in Tianjin (August 31–September 1, 2025) wasn’t just another diplomatic meet—it was the biggest in SCO’s history, and clearly aimed at someone. Xi Jinping used the platform to pitch a new global order rooted in multipolarity, multilateralism, and Global South leadership—a calculated move against U.S.-centric dominance.
This wasn’t a routine serial declaration—Tianjin was dressed up as a diplomatic declaration of intent: vision with muscle.It was President Xi Jinpin, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and President Vladimir Putin—standing shoulder to shoulder, not just for photos but for signaling. Reuters noted, “Xi Jinping pressed his vision for a new global security and economic order … ‘Global governance has reached a new crossroads’.” These visuals weren’t choreographed—they were game-changers. India and Russia were aligning with China under a shifting geopolitical sun. Three leaders in sync. Money, vision, proximity. After years of freeze, India and China gave the world a “chill handshake”—chilly, calculated, and crafted to stir global talk.
Xi didn’t just talk. He backed his vision with a ¥2 billion grant (~₹24,740 crore) and a ¥10 billion loan package (₹123,700 crore) —a financial nudge toward deeper economic cohesion within the bloc.
This summit marked Modi’s first trip to China in seven years, post-Galwan attack—a subtle reset of bilateral optics.
Path to Tianjin
Previous SCO summits were heavy on rhetoric, light on follow-through. Here? We’re seeing ideas scaffolded into institutions, fund pledges standing in black and white, and major players walking the aisle, not circling distant rooms.Over the past four summits—Samarkand (2022), New Delhi (2023), Astana (2024), and Tianjin (2025)—the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) has steadily broadened its agenda while sharpening its political tone.
Security and Terrorism has remained a central pillar. Samarkand reaffirmed the role of RATS and the fight against the “three evils.” New Delhi advanced a statement on radicalization and balance on Afghanistan. Astana condemned terrorism across the board, linking cooperation to information sharing and designating 2025 as the “Year of Security.” Tianjin took a harder line, with India insisting on “no double standards” and pushing the debate into newer domains such as cyber and AI-related threats.
On Digital and AI, Samarkand’s first steps on e-commerce matured into New Delhi’s sovereign digital governance agenda. Astana pushed AI governance as a new priority, and Tianjin saw China offer BeiDou navigation services alongside emphasis on AI, big data, and cybersecurity.
In Energy and Climate, Samarkand stressed efficiency, while New Delhi spotlighted renewables, hydrogen, and solar. Astana declared 2025 the “Year of Sustainable Development,” stressing green technologies. Tianjin went further, tying energy cooperation to multipolarity, with Xi Jinping proposing an SCO Energy Cooperation Platform.
Trade and Finance evolved from Samarkand’s roadmap for national currency settlements to New Delhi’s advocacy of digital payments and an SCO Bank. Astana revived consultations on a Development Bank and Fund, creating an Investors Association. Tianjin reinforced this by reiterating the Bank proposal and emphasizing financial self-reliance.
Connectivity progressed from Samarkand’s North–South Corridor to New Delhi’s inclusion of Chabahar Port and digital connectivity. Astana focused on transport facilitation and supply chains, while Tianjin merged digital and physical networks, again highlighting BeiDou.
Institutionally, Samarkand streamlined programs; New Delhi welcomed Iran as a full member; Astana opened debates on reform; and Tianjin formally admitted Belarus, with China exerting stronger institutional imprint.
India’s imprint has been consistent but cautious—upholding sovereignty at Samarkand, advancing anti-radicalization and digital governance in New Delhi, reiterating multipolarity at Astana, and at Tianjin stressing its “One Earth, One Family, One Future” vision while demanding an uncompromising stance on terrorism.
Zero Tolerance for Terrorism
Here’s where the Tianjin Declaration peeled off the mask—addressing terror with precision. It didn’t just say ‘we condemn,’ It said we condemn the terrorist attack in Pahalgam attack, we demand justice, and no double standard will ever be tolerable. That’s not diplomacy—it’s strategic force.
Beating around the bush isn’t the SCO’s style anymore. The Tianjin Declaration doesn’t hold back on the Pahalgam tragedy:
“The Member States strongly condemned the terrorist attack in Pahalgam on 22 April 2025. They expressed their deepest sympathy and condolences to the families of the dead and the wounded. They further stated that perpetrators, organisers and sponsors of such attacks must be brought to justice.”
This isn’t vague diplomatic wording—it’s clear and pointed. They didn’t stop there:
“The Member States strongly condemn terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, stress that double standards in the fight against terrorism are unacceptable, and call on the international community to combat terrorism, including cross-border movement of terrorists.”
This paragraph does more than condemn—it shames politics that discriminate between “acceptable” and “unacceptable” terror.
Why This Matters?
Naming the location—not just the act: This explicit mention of Pahalgam is unprecedented. Past SCO pronouncements shied away from specific incidents or names. Here, we have an event named and shamed.
Tough talk in P2P diplomacy: With Pakistan’s PM Shehbaz Sharif present, the message was clear—and diplomatically calibrated. Modi used the declaration to underscore: “No double standards will be tolerated.”
A shift in tone: Unlike previous years where statements were diluted for neutrality, this shows India’s rising weight in shaping collective language—slim and sharp, not weighty and vague.
One Earth, One Family, One Future
Here’s where the Tianjin Declaration grabbed the philosophical wheel—India’s ‘One Earth, One Family, One Future’ isn’t just quoted—it’s enshrined. We’re seeing solidarity, not just sloganeering.
The Tianjin Declaration didn’t just nod at lofty ideals—it embedded them:
“Taking into account the views of Member States, they reaffirmed the relevance of initiatives to promote cooperation in building a new type of international relations in the spirit of mutual respect, justice, equality and mutually beneficial cooperation, as well as the formation of a common vision of the idea of creating a community of shared future for mankind and developing dialogue on the idea of ‘One Earth. One Family. One Future.’ Member States call on the international community to join the SCO Initiative ‘On Global Unity for a Just World, Harmony and Development.’”
That’s not diplomatic sugarcoating—that’s values in action, lifted straight from the G20’s philosophical runway.
Why This Matters?
From Idea to Institution: India’s G20 mantra has graduated—from conference décor to operational ethos within a regional bloc. That’s a reverse import into geopolitics—rare, and strategic.
From ‘Shanghai Spirit’ to Shared Vision: The legacy of mutual respect and non-intervention (coined at Qingdao and earlier summits) now gains a deeper, more human anchor—civilizational ethos, not just statecraft.
Language as Influence: This phrasing—with its emphasis on justice, unity, equality—reads like India’s diplomatic DNA stitched visibly into SCO’s new blueprint.
Geopolitical Sigil—Narrative, Not Noise
This isn’t just a poetic detour—it’s geopolitical calibration.
India’s Soft Power on Display: SCO formally adopting a phrase born out of Indian civilizational wisdom signals a diplomatic win that isn’t measured in trade pacts or summit selfies.
No Multilateral Blurts: The declaration doesn’t just drop buzzwords—it enshrines them. It’s a signed, sealed, shared ideological pivot.
This could be the backbone for a “Civilizational Dialogue Forum” or Cultural Commons within SCO—real institutions with real impact.
Tech, Security, and Institution
This is about wiring those values into cables, codes, and counterterror networks. Tianjin’s tone here is less philosophical, more practical—building firewalls and frameworks alike.
The Tianjin Declaration makes no bones about it:
“Member States note the need to create a safe, fair, open, and inclusive information space, strengthen international cooperation in the field of information security, and counter the use of information and communication technologies for criminal, terrorist, or other purposes that are inconsistent with the goals of maintaining international peace, security, and stability.”
That’s SCO speak for: “the internet is the new battlefield, and we’re not sitting out.”
Tech-Talk with Teeth
From Samarkand to Tianjin: Earlier declarations (Samarkand 2022, New Delhi 2023) flirted with cyber cooperation. Tianjin actually nails down shared responsibility in the digital domain.
AI and Emerging Tech: The language around “information and communication technologies” now has AI implications baked in. The absence of the word “AI” doesn’t mean it’s ignored—it means SCO wants wiggle room before committing to regulatory frameworks.
Digital Sovereignty: The declaration echoes the trend seen in BRICS—guarding against Western dominance in digital standards.
Key Takeaways
RATS (Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure) in Tashkent gets renewed validation—no small win.
The UN plug is a strategic nod—it balances sovereignty with legitimacy, avoiding charges of regional freelancing.
Terrorism is still the SCO’s binding glue, the one area where members converge without ideological brawls.
Institutional Engineering—From Forum to Framework
Unlike earlier declarations heavy on intent, Tianjin signals structural deepening:
Energy Club → Institutional Path: SCO is inching closer to a coordinated energy framework, blending Russia’s hydrocarbon heft, Central Asia’s reserves, and India/China’s demand.
Cultural Commons: Hints at a future institutional layer to operationalize “One Earth, One Family, One Future.”
Think-Tank Integration: Call to strengthen SCO’s knowledge platforms suggests we might see a more structured “SCO Secretariat 2.0”—less talking shop, more policy lab.
If the Energy Club and digital cooperation mature, Tianjin might be the point where SCO stops being just a “talk shop” and starts acting like a system-builder.
Looking Ahead—Tianjin and the Road to the Future
The Tianjin Summit underscores that the SCO is no longer just a security bloc but a platform negotiating the contours of a multipolar world. For India, this is a space to shape, not to be shaped. The road ahead is about quiet, persistent norm-setting—and ensuring that the caravan moves with balance, not just momentum.
The SCO at Crossroads
The Tianjin Declaration captures the SCO’s evolution: from a narrowly security-focused bloc (early 2000s) to an expansive platform dealing with climate change, digital governance, food security, and energy transition. Yet the paradox remains—can an organization built on consensus, with such diverse members, move beyond declaratory politics into genuine collective action?
The text itself reflects this duality:
“Member States reaffirm their commitment to a just and multipolar world order, based on international law and the United Nations Charter, rejecting confrontation and bloc politics.”
This is aspirational, but it places the SCO in direct conceptual rivalry with the Western-led order.
Future Themes Emerging from Tianjin
Energy & Climate – The push for renewable energy and green transition will grow. India should bring its hydrogen economy roadmap to the SCO table.
Digital & AI Norms – Tianjin signals the SCO will enter global AI debates. India must anchor “responsible innovation” to prevent standards being China-centric.
Security & Terrorism – Expect sharper divides between India and Pakistan on how terrorism is defined. The “double standards” phrasing will be contested terrain in future declarations.
Connectivity & Infrastructure – SCO will remain connectivity-obsessed. India’s task is to keep Chabahar + INSTC on the agenda as legitimate alternatives to CPEC.
India’s Way Forward
Lead with ideas, not just positions—offer frameworks on digital public goods, energy transition, and climate finance.
Deepen Central Asia outreach—through culture, education, and health, bypassing the geopolitical bottlenecks.
Use SCO as a bridge, not an anchor—engage pragmatically, but keep primary focus on Quad, BRICS, and G20 for global agenda-setting.
as a Reliable and Trusted News SourceThe author is Chairman, MEA Think tank RIS. He was India’s former envoy to Japan and Canada.
